Today marks a significant date in the history of modern Israel. Today, according to some sources, Tel Aviv was founded in 1910. However, like many aspects of Israeli history, even this founding date carries complexity and nuance. The roots of Tel Aviv actually stretch back to 1909, when a group of Jewish residents sought to escape the overcrowded conditions of Jaffa by establishing a new neighbourhood on the sandy shores to the north.

After establishing a company called Ahuzat-Bayit, and with financial assistance from the Jewish National Fund, a group of Jewish residents purchased approximately twelve acres of sand dunes. The city was initially given the eponymous Hebrew name Ahuzat Bayit, meaning "House Estate" or “Homestead.” 66 families would assemble on the beach to draw lots to allocate the lots of the new neighbourhood on April 11, 1909. This historic moment was captured by photographer Abraham Soskin (below). 

On May 7, 1910, the suburb was renamed Tel Aviv. The name came from Nahum Sokolow's Hebrew translation of Altneuland, Theodor Herzl's fictional depiction of the Jewish state. The name "Tel Aviv" embraced the idea of renaissance. "Aviv" (or "Abib") means "spring," symbolizing renewal, while "Tel" refers to an artificial mound created over centuries through the accumulation of successive layers of civilization.

Theodor Herzl’s Altneuland ("Old New Land") was a utopian novel outlining his vision for a Jewish state in Palestine. This work was not a flight of fantasy, but a blueprint for what Herzl believed could be achieved through activism, action and collective will. He portrayed a Jewish state where Jews and "Arabs" lived together in harmony. He believed in the importance of coexistence and mutual respect between different religious and ethnic communities. His vision extended beyond borders and territorial aspirations to encompass a moral and ethical framework for this new society.

Herzl’s vision for a Jewish state was “founded on the ideas which are a common product of all civilized nations... It would be immoral if we would exclude anyone, whatever his origin, his descent, or his religion, from participating in our achievements." He continued: "There is only one way to do it, the highest tolerance. Our motto must therefore be, now and ever: 'Man, you are my brother.'"

As much as Herzl was a product of his imperial and colonialist times, and not a great, or even a good, novelist – he was a sophisticated and practical political thinker. He did not foresee any conflict between Jews and Arabs. One of the main characters in Altneuland is an "Arab" engineer from Haifa, Reshid Bey, who is one of the leaders of the "New Society” party. In the book’s timeline, 1923 is coloured by a heated electoral campaign. In the electoral mix alongside the “New Society” and other parties, a new party established by a recent immigrant Rabbi Dr. Geyer calls for the disenfranchisement of the country’s non-Jewish inhabitants. Geyer argues that citizenship and voting rights should be restricted to Jews in a Jewish state. "Arabs" and other non-Jews should be expelled. The campaign becomes a battle for the country’s soul. Eventually, Geyer’s party loses, the liberals win, and the defeated candidate is reported to have left the country in shame.

While Herzl envisaged equal rights for the Palestinian population and its participation in the political process, he did not foresee the emergence of a Palestinian national movement that would draw much of its ideological energy from opposing the Zionist project itself. And I don’t think it will scandalize anyone to acknowledge that the reality of modern Israel has diverged significantly from Herzl's utopian vision. While he imagined a land of peaceful coexistence, the establishment of Israel has been marked by ongoing conflict with the Palestinian people, both inside and beyond the Green Line.

Though Rabbi Dr. Geyer was repudiated in Altneuland, political agendas similar to his have grown more prominent in the Knesset. The 2018 Nation-State Law is one example, formally prioritizing Jewish settlement and downgrading the status of Arabic from an official language. Though advocates of the law argued that it was largely symbolic and declarative in nature, critics maintained that the law is racist and undemocratic and actively violates Israel's self-defined legal status as a “Jewish and democratic state.”

And then, of course, there is the Occupation.

But the divergence from Herzl's vision is not limited to Palestinian-Jewish relations. There are also tensions within Jewish-Israeli society that threaten to undo Israel from within. Herzl wrote in The Jews’ State: "We shall keep our priests within the confines of their temples in the same way as we shall keep our professional army within the confines of their barracks... But they must not interfere in the administration of the State.” Ultra-Orthodox religious parties continue to hold significant political power, serving as kingmakers in coalition governments and influencing policy on everything from military service exemptions to Shabbat observance in public spaces.

And despite all of this, there is Tel Aviv – a secular, liberal city with a vibrant cultural scene, relatively open and ranked as one of the world's top startup centres outside Silicon Valley. It is a city with beaches, cafes, and nightlife that almost exists on a different timeline than the nation’s capital 45 minutes away.

How do we reconcile this chasm between vision and reality and between one utopian reality and another dire one? Perhaps Herzl’s famous motto might provide one answer. ”If you will it, it is no dream” has a clear message. Nothing is historically determined. We must will it. Through our people’s creative and transformative power can we continue to achieve great things – and repair great wrongs.

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